The Jesus and Mo artist is provocative this week:
Why Evolution is True is a blog written by Jerry Coyne, centered on evolution and biology but also dealing with diverse topics like politics, culture, and cats.
The Denver Post reports an encounter in Boulder, Colorado between a mountain lion (or “cougar”; Puma concolor) and a housecat (Felis catus; an 11-year-old Maine coon named Zeus). It was all documented in pictures by Gail Loveman, Zeus’s owner.
The interaction between the cats went on for about 5 minutes.
Zeus typically stands tall, hisses and acts fairly aggressive when he sees other animals – mostly squirrels, other house cats or even dogs – through the glass door. But Zeus remained calm as he appraised the big cat.
“I think he thought ‘Hmmm! This is different,’ ” Loveman said.
When the lion left the porch, Loveman went to an upstairs balcony and spotted a second lion, which Loveman thought was likely the mother of the first lion.
She watched and took photos as the cats wandered off, jumped a fence and disappeared.
Have a look at the 15-image slide show of the incident here, from which I’ve taken a few images:
Curiously, there was a statue of a cougar in the front yard, which the real cougar investigated.
h/t: Douglas
Many of us who have endured the columns of Andrew Brown at the Guardian feel that it’s time for the man to move on. His opinions lurch all over the place (usually, however, centered on the evils of atheism and the benefits of religion), but the writing is so absolutely dreadful that it’s hard to believe that someone pays him for his prose. When I read his latest post,”On Belief’s new look, and old arguments,” I finally decided that he needs to go. It’s not that he attacks atheism and defends religion here—for he doesn’t—but he just rabbits on and on about evolution without seeming to understand it.
Brown praises Dawkins’s The Selfish Gene (agreed!) and argues that the idea of memes has not been fruitful (also agreed!), but then loses the plot when he gets to one of Dawkins’s best books, The Extended Phenotype. If you’ve read that book, you’ll know that it’s about the adaptive effects that genes within an organism can have when they act outside the body of that organism. That is, an animal’s genes can produce behaviors that enable it to modify its own environment in an adaptive way.
The classic example is beavers building dams: one could consider the dam as an aspect of the beaver’s “phenotype” (traits produced by beaver genes) in much the same way as evolution produces the beaver’s teeth and tail. The same is true for parasites that affect the behavior of their host in adaptive way (as in the parasitic nematodes that propagate their own survival by turning their ant hosts into mock “berries”, changing the color of their black abdomens to red, making the ants raise them into the air, and weakening the connection between the abdomen and the rest of the body, all of which attracts sharp-sighted birds that spread the nematodes through their droppings). What you see below is the extended phenotype of the nematode worm:
Fig. 1. The ant Cephalotes atratus: uninfected (top), and infected with the nematodes (bottom)
Here’s the world’s largest extended animal phenotype: a beaver dam in Alberta that is 850 m long (2790 feet). It was discovered using Google Earth, and can be seen from space (click to enlarge):
Fig. 2. A huge extended phenotype
The point is that genes can affect behavior, and that behavior can modify the environment in an adaptive way, whether the environment be a river surrounded by gnaw-able trees or a host that can be manipulated by parasites. (Much of Darwinian medicine, by the way, involves the idea that infectious organisms cause symptoms that help them propagate themselves: cold viruses don’t debilitate us, but allow us to remain ambulatory so that we can sneeze, shake hands, and spread the virus, while malaria protists make us prostrate during bouts of fever, rendering us susceptible to the bites of mosquitoes who carry the vector).
Anyway, when trying to explain how “extended phenotypes” evolve, Brown ties himself up in a tangle of thought and language that completely confuses the reader:
The Extended Phenotype, however, is still worth thinking about. The idea that genes are selected because of their effects outside the body that carries them was, so far as I know, first made explicit by Dawkins, and really does make you look at the world another way. But where does it get us?
There are at least three situations in which you can talk about an extended phenotype. One is niche construction, where an animal changes the world around it to suit its purposes: birds make nests, beavers make dams, caddis larvaemake houses. To the extent that these processes are under genetic control, Dawkins can talk about these changes outside the animal as a product of its genes.
The second is seen in parasites and predators. There are all sorts of ways in which parasites and predators generally modify the behaviour of their victim species. These can be dramatic, like those parasites that lead infected ants to climb to the tops of blades of grass so that they can more easily be eaten by sheep, or almost undetectable, like the way in which mosquitoes manufacture proteins that stop mammalian blood from clotting while they drink it. Again, here, a gene is clearly being selected for its effects outside the body that carries it.
So far, so good. But then he goes a bit off the rails:
Then there is the very interesting case of domesticated plants. These are spread around the world by humans, who breed them selectively. In the case of tobacco plants, or opium poppies, we’re breeding for the effects on our brain.
This is not a case of an extended phenotype evolving genetically in humans: it is a cultural practice favored for its usefulness. We haven’t evolved genetic tendencies to spread or breed domesticated plants—that happened only in the last ten thousand years or so, and that’s not long enough for genes favoring a tendency to domesticate plants to spread in the human genome. This is purely a cultural practice that’s a byproduct of our big brains. The modified plants may be seen as a “cultural extended phenotype,” but that’s just confusing.
But Brown is way off the mark when trying to explain how extended phenotypes evolve. Really, the idea is simple: any gene will be favored if it causes a behavioral change that, by modifying the individual’s environment, gives that gene a replication advantage over other genes. Pretty easy to envision. And of course once the environment is modified, that sets up new selective pressures that weren’t present before. Once beavers evolved the ability to build dams, then their young are now exposed to a new environment—a cozy den inside the dam—that would favor all kinds of other behaviors, like modification of parental care, the cacheing of food in the lodges, genes favoring repair of dams when they’re damaged, and so on.
But Brown makes a mess of it:
So all these are examples of extended phenotypes, in which a gene carried in one body is transmitted as a result of its effects on another.
But where in this circuit is causation? Is it more useful to think of the gene as reaching out to change the world around its organism, or to consider the environment reaching inside to change the gene? It seems to me that causation goes very clearly in the second direction and that this is true all the way down to the DNA. After all, it is the cellular mechanisms that determine both which genes are expressed, and which bits of DNA constitute a gene.
The second alternative—the one favored by Brown—simply makes no sense. The environment doesn’t reach inside the organism to change the gene, for what we’re trying to explain is how a genetic change alters the organism’s environment. The environment is not, in such a case, a passive interactor that forces genetic change. True, the genetic changes must take place in a certain environment, but if one has to choose either of these explanations, I’d favor the first.
But in fact neither encompass the whole situation, for it’s the interaction between genes and the environment that favors the evolution of extended phenotypes. Rodents able to cut down trees to build protective dens for their young were favored, but that depends both on genetic variation for tree-cutting and den-building and on a pre-existing environment that contains running water and trees. The behavior is caused by changes in the proportion of the replicators (“alleles”, the different forms of genes), but the advantage of one allele over another depends completely on the environment in which the gene finds itself. One needn’t choose between the primacy of gene or environment (except insofar as how the behavior is inherited): both are needed to explain the evolution of “extended phenotypes.” Brown is raising a false dichotomy and confusing the reader.
He goes on:
Even if we abstract away from the sequence, as theoretical biologists do, and consider abstract genes “for” or “against” particular behaviours it is still the concrete details of the environment that constitute the selection pressure on a gene.
Mostly true, though of course there are “internal” selective pressures as well, like the effects of a gene on embryology, physiology, and so on.
And it is selection that is the active process, not simple replication.
False. Replication of different forms of genes is also “active”, and that is what causes the extended phenotype to evolve. In fact, in terms of things actually doing something, replication is active while the environment is passive. And he hasn’t considered another “active” process: the mutations that produce behaviors that lead to “extended phenotypes.”
DNA sets boundaries to what the environment can achieve – you can select all you like, but you’ll never breed ravens to fly under water—
Hold on! Isn’t that what penguins do?
Fig.3. Birds (descended from flying birds) flying underwater
– but these constraints are the outer limits of what is possible. They don’t help much to predict what’s inside them. If you start with a wholly gene-centric model and think it carefully through, you can find you have reached a gene-peripheral one instead.
That’s such a poor piece of writing that I can’t figure out what it means. If he’s saying that organisms can only evolve within the limits of what’s genetically possible, then that’s obviously true. But we don’t know what is genetically possible: think of all the improbable species (like frogs and penguins) that one might not have though a priori possible. But of course genes don’t predict evolution alone, because that depends on an interaction between genetic variation and environments. But that’s obvious as well. What he’s saying in this faux-clever language remains obscure.
Why does the Guardian retain Andrew Brown? Many have suggested it’s because his ideas are so muddled, yet expressed so forcefully, that he brings the paper lots of traffic in the form of angry readers. It’s as good a theory as any. But what ticks me off the most is when he muddles biology.
Today we have a guest post by the estimable Sigmund, who analyzes recent claims that religious people donate more to charity than do nonbelievers.
Faith and Charity – what the evidence reveals
by Sigmund
While many on the pro-faith side of the science/religion debate are hardly shy about claiming nonscientific but “equally valid” means of acquiring knowledge, in particular, religious experience and revelation, there remains one circumstance in which the religious do insist on empirical data: when it appears to support their particular religion.
One such topic is the question of whether religion promotes increased levels of charity. Several previous studies have tacked this topic, most coming to the conclusion that higher religiosity is positively associated with higher levels of charitable giving—both religious and secular -—and that religious individuals are more likely to volunteer to help out in the community.
However, the question of religion and charity is not a simple one. A complicated relationship exists between political viewpoint, levels of religiosity and practical measures of involvement in a religious community such as frequency of church attendance.
Direct donations to churches and to religious charities make up nearly half of all charitable giving by US households. It is questionable, however, whether this figure alone is evidence that church donations help the needy of society at large rather than simply support the religious organization itself. Mark Chaves, in his book Congregations in America, points out that even religious congregations that promote social service activity spend less than 3 percent of an average congregation’s budget on these programs.
However, despite the low percentage of charitable spending by churches as institutions, religious individuals seem more likely to donate to charity. As noted by Arthur Brooks in “Religious Faith and Charitable Giving” Policy Review (2003), “Believers give more to secular charities than non-believers do.” This tendency towards charitable giving was not simply a question of religious people financially supporting their own church, as the average religious household’s donations to nonreligious charities is 14 percent more than that of the average secular household.
The question therefore remains what particular factors motivate individuals to donate to charity. Is it a question of religious belief, practice or political ideology, or are there other factors that may be of primary importance in encouraging higher levels of charitable donations? Of particular interests to readers of WEIT is the question of whether religion is a cause of charitable giving or is simply facilitates it as a side effect of particular practices that could also exist in a non-religious context. In other words, is it belief in God that makes people charitable, or the sociality that goes along with belonging to a church or a religion?
Several earlier studies have tried to separate the factors discussed here, examining how differing aspects of religiosity and politics contribute towards the levels of charitable donations of individuals. Here we summarize the findings of three papers published in the past year (here, here, and here), written by sociologist Brandon Vaidyanathan and colleagues from the University of Notre Dame and Calvin College. The studies examine whether earlier conclusions about religion, politics and charity can be clarified by a finer analysis of recently collected sociological data.
To address these issues, the authors examined several sets of sociological survey data involving the nexus of religion, politics and charitable giving.
In ‘Religion and Charitable Financial Giving to Religious and Secular Causes: Does Political Ideology Matter?’, published in the ‘Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion’ the authors examined which factors best explain the finding that individuals who describe themselves as evangelical Christians donate higher amounts to charity compared to religious liberals. Conservative academics, such as Brooks, have suggested that political ideology is the key issue here: in other words, political conservatism, to which evangelical Christianity is closely associated, encourages a higher level of personal charitable donations than does political liberalism, which promotes the notion of higher taxes being used to help the needy.
Using data produced by the Panel Study on American Ethnicity and Religion, Vaidyanathan and colleagues concluded that:
“For both religious and nonreligious giving, the effect of political ideology is completely mediated by participation in religious and civic practices. These findings support recent arguments on “practice theory” in cultural sociology and suggest that it is less the effect of ideology than of active participation in religious, political, and community organizations that explains Americans’ financial giving to religious and nonreligious organizations.”
In other words it is the community aspect of religion rather than political viewpoint that seems to be the most important factor in donation to charity. Those individuals who were less regular churchgoers – such as the average mainstream Protestant—donated on average considerably less than did evangelicals. On the other hand, evangelicals who were less regular churchgoers donated less, while non-evangelical liberal Christians who were more frequent churchgoers tended to donate more.
In the remaining two studies, ‘Substitution or Symbiosis? Assessing the Relationship between Religious and Secular Giving’, published in the journal ‘Social Forces,’ and ‘Motivations for and Obstacles to Religious Financial Giving’, published in the journal ‘Sociology of Religion’ the authors tackled the question of whether charitable giving to religious causes impinges (either positively or negatively) on giving to secular causes, and examined, in an interview setting, the reasoning of the faithful themselves about their charitable donations.
In the former paper the authors confirmed earlier studies showing that higher religious donation is associated with increased donations to secular charities.
Examining three waves of national panel data, we find that the relationship between religious and secular giving is generally not of a zero-sum nature; families that increase their religious giving also increase their secular giving.
They concluded that” this finding is best accounted for by a practice theory of social action which emphasizes how religious congregations foster skills and practices related to charitable giving.”
In other words, certain practices encourage traditions of giving that result in individuals becoming more likely to donate to charities as a whole, both religious and secular. This conclusion resembled that of Brooks 2003 study in that practical advantage of religious practice appeared to create an environment for teaching practices to the younger generation—in this case the positive practice of donation to charity.
The final study involved the question of explaining of the self-described motivations for charitable and religious contributions, taken from personal interviews and church financial information from the Northern Indiana Congregational (NIC) study. This paper confirmed some of the findings of the previous two papers.
One feature worth noting from personal interviews was that much of the pattern of charitable donations seemed highly socialized—in other words, it was something an individual’s parents had done and the offspring were simply carrying on a family tradition. In other cases it seemed normative—individuals were doing what they thought everyone else was expected to do in the congregation. One interesting finding was described as “giving illiteracy”: data showed that a large fraction of religious people claimed to have donated far more than the church financial records reveal they actually gave.
While these studies may provide some small comfort for faitheists who claim that religion has certain valuable aspects with positive effects on society, the effects themselves are clearly not exclusive to religion, but are, rather, a side effect of the congregational nature of religious practice. Membership in an active community, religious or secular, promotes the communication of information about specific social problems that can be addressed through charitable donations or through volunteering time and effort.
What remains an open question is whether secular-based alternatives can replace the current church led dominance of the US charity scene. Nevertheless, the fact that 60% of religious charitable donations are provided by just 5% of congregants suggests that religion is itself an inefficient device towards this end.
Finally, I should note that the studies discussed here are confined to the United States. The picture of charitable donation in societies with lower levels of religiosity suggests that church attendance is hardly a prerequisite for altruistic behavior, for some of the least religious countries are among those donating the highest amounts to charity.
“Uncle” Karl Giberson has come even farther out of the Jesus Closet since leaving BioLogos (under what I suspect were unhappy circumstances), and he’s starting to take out after anti-science evangelical Christians in a big way. I’m encouraged, but he’s still one god shy of complete atheism. But I have my hopes. . . .
Giberson, formerly of Eastern Nazarene College, and Randall Stephens a professor of history still at that college (but perhaps not for long), coauthored an op-ed piece in today’s New York Times: “The evangelical rejection of reason.” Taking his cue from many Republicans’ rejection of science, GIberson and Stephens pull no punches:
The rejection of science seems to be part of a politically monolithic red-state fundamentalism, textbook evidence of an unyielding ignorance on the part of the religious. As one fundamentalist slogan puts it, “The Bible says it, I believe it, that settles it.” But evangelical Christianity need not be defined by the simplistic theology, cultural isolationism and stubborn anti-intellectualism that most of the Republican candidates have embraced.
Like other evangelicals, we accept the centrality of faith in Jesus Christ and look to the Bible as our sacred book, though we find it hard to recognize our religious tradition in the mainstream evangelical conversation. Evangelicalism at its best seeks a biblically grounded expression of Christianity that is intellectually engaged, humble and forward-looking. In contrast, fundamentalism is literalistic, overconfident and reactionary.
It always discombobulates me to hear evangelical Christians describe themselves as “intellectually engaged” or “humble.” If they were intellectually engaged, they’d realize that there’s no evidence—not a lick—for the divinity of Jesus, and that they’re basing their lives on a work of fiction completely fabricated by humans. How, exactly, is that “intellectual”?
And humility? At least we scientists don’t have 100% confidence in our “truths,” as evangelicals do about the divinity and Resurrection of Jesus, not to mention the existence of God. If we scientists had as little evidence for our “truths” as did evangelicals, we wouldn’t be scientists at all. We’d be homeopaths or astrologers.
Nevertheless, Giberson and Stephens gets in some good licks at the evangelicals. Karl’s not at BioLogos any more!
Charismatic leaders like these project a winsome personal testimony as brothers in Christ. Their audiences number in the tens of millions. They pepper their presentations with so many Bible verses that their messages appear to be straight out of Scripture; to many, they seem like prophets, anointed by God.
But in fact their rejection of knowledge amounts to what the evangelical historian Mark A. Noll, in his 1994 book, “The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind,” described as an “intellectual disaster.” He called on evangelicals to repent for their neglect of the mind, decrying the abandonment of the intellectual heritage of the Protestant Reformation. “The scandal of the evangelical mind,” he wrote, “is that there is not much of an evangelical mind.”
LOL! Nevertheless, Giberson and Stephens, despite their “humility,” still feel that science can be reconciled with Baby Jesus:
There are signs of change. Within the evangelical world, tensions have emerged between those who deny secular knowledge, and those who have kept up with it and integrated it with their faith. Almost all evangelical colleges employ faculty members with degrees from major research universities — a conduit for knowledge from the larger world. We find students arriving on campus tired of the culture-war approach to faith in which they were raised, and more interested in promoting social justice than opposing gay marriage.
Scholars like Dr. Collins and Mr. Noll, and publications like Books & Culture, Sojourners and The Christian Century, offer an alternative to the self-anointed leaders. They recognize that the Bible does not condemn evolution and says next to nothing about gay marriage. They understand that Christian theology can incorporate Darwin’s insights and flourish in a pluralistic society.
Well,the Bible didn’t explicitly condemn evolution, because its authors didn’t know about evolution! But when religious people found out about it in 1859, many of them did condemn it as in explicit conflict with Genesis, and many of them still do.
But good for Karl and Co. for implicitly condoning gay marriage, which of course is social justice. And although the last paragraph reeks of accommodationism, the criticism of anti-science Christianity is strong. They’re not going to like this piece at BioLogos, though of course Karl doesn’t live there anymore. After all, those mushbrained evangelicals are the very people that BioLogos was funded (by Templeton) to woo toward science.
Americans have always trusted in God, and even today atheism is little more than a quiet voice on the margins. Faith, working calmly in the lives of Americans from George Washington to Barack Obama, has motivated some of America’s finest moments. But when the faith of so many Americans becomes an occasion to embrace discredited, ridiculous and even dangerous ideas, we must not be afraid to speak out, even if it means criticizing fellow Christians.
Just one God less, Karl, one God less, and you’ll be on the right side. Can’t you see that you and Stephens are still embracing some of those ridiculous, discredited, and, yes, dangerous ideas? Faith in Jesus may have motivated some of America’s finest moments (what were those moments, by the way?), but it’s motivated far more of our most embarrassing ones.
h/t: JJE
. . .or somebody who reads Finnish—and that doesn’t include me—you might have a look at this. WEIT just appeared in Finnish, looking like this:
Oh, those crazy artistic Finns!
Here’s an article that just appeared in the Finnish paper Aamulehti (click to enlarge). There’s also an interview conducted by Mikko Pulliainen, who sent these links to me.
. . . and a book review, which I’m told is favorable:
This morning on BBC Radio 4, Jim Al-Khalili conducted a half-hour interview with Steve Pinker in “The Life Scientific” series. Although Steve is promoting his new book, The Better Angels of Our Nature, only about six minutes of the interview deals with it. The rest covers a number of topics, including controversies about his first book, The Language Instinct, and about the more recent The Blank Slate.
You can hear the program archived here, and it will be rebroadcast this evening at 9:30 p.m. London time.
As always, Steve is eloquent: he appears to speak in complete and perfect paragraphs; see if you can spot anything ungrammatical. Eloquence is one thing that unites the Five Horsemen (yes, there are five): Pinker, Dawkins, Dennett, Harris, and Hitchens; and I greatly envy that talent. I consider Hitch the most eloquent, but the rest are no slouches.
Highlights:
h/t: Matt
The Five Books series of interviews and book recommendations on The Browser continues with an interview with paleoanthropologist Tim White from Berkeley. His choice of the best books on “prehistoric man” (women will surely object to that term) will surprise you.
And be sure to bookmark the Browser’s “Evolution” section, which contains links to articles, videos, interviews (like mine), and new books.