I thought the media fracas about Jason Arday would settle down soon after he died (likely via suicide), but it hasn’t. Now people are busy affixing blame for his behavior, and death, with blame attaching to his fabulism, his plagiarism and obvious lies, the press, and the lack of proper oversight by Arday’s Ph.D. committee and by Cambridge University who hired him.
Because Arday was a black man and the youngest professor of color at Cambridge, and because his story is at once outrageous and tragic, the accusations are flying fast, and coming from the Right, the Left, and the middle. What caused the whole mess? The media? Arday’s own tendency to make up stories? The University of Cambridge? Racists determined to bring him down?
Well, all of these are surely factors in the series of events that led to Arday’s resignation and death, but I won’t even attempt to make a mental pie diagram apportioning the blame. I will say that some motivations surely involved racism, but those are not the same thing as condemning Arday’s hire because it was likely based on his ethnicity and his claimed hardships. Those are objections to DEI, which need not be racist.
And I won’t psychologize here, as it’s not productive. Yes, Arday made up stories, but did he initially or later come to believe that they were true? Who knows? Was philosophger Nathan Cofnas, who initially reported the plagiarism in Arday’s Ph.D thesis, motivated by racism? Cofnas is self-described as a “race realist,” but he was cleared of charges of racism by a disciplinary committee of his own University (Cambridge again, though he subsequently left). I can’t and won’t point the finger of racism at him. And what about all the media firestorms? Did those arise from racism? They involved Arday’s race, but remember that he kept emphasizing race himself, both before and after his plagiarism fabulism were discovered. One could argue that he was hired in part because of his constant invocation of racism as a hurdle he overcame.
All I’m willing to say is that there was plagiarism, that Arday’s stories are unbelievable (though it’s not clear whether he believed them), and that his rise to prominence surely involved prioritizing race and claimed disability over merit.
And while racism surely played some role in the tragedy, given who is writing about it—people who don’t seem to be arrant racists—I can’t believe, as some are claiming, that people went after Arday solely because of his race, nor that the media focus on his stories and tragedy (admit it, it is a eomplelling if sad story) was the equivalent of a “digital lynching”. I’ll highlight some of the more prominent or telling pieces of journalism or commentary. Click on screenshots below to read them; I’ll provide excerpts that are indented, though what’s flush left is mine.
The article from rom Inside Higher Ed below reports that a group of black academics is asking the press to evaluate its “relevant editorial standards”; the implicit message is that the press should regulate itself or be regulated. In other words, it’s attacking the press for what it said about Arday, and demanding that they stop the “ridicule and vilification” of Arday they perceived in coverage.

An excerpt:
A group representing Black academics has called on the U.K. press regulator to examine the media coverage surrounding Jason Arday’s private life before his death, saying some of the reporting on the former University of Cambridge professor amounted to “personal ridicule and vilification.”
Black Leaders in Higher Education UK said in a statement that it would ask the Independent Press Standards Organisation to consider “the nature and extent of reporting concerning Professor Arday’s private life and whether relevant editorial standards were upheld.”
“We have been deeply concerned by the scale and intensely personal nature of some of the public scrutiny directed at Professor Arday, including commentary that moved beyond legitimate questions of academic integrity into personal ridicule and vilification,” the group said.
It added that there was “undoubted public interest” in questions of academic integrity but that scrutiny must be applied equally to all academics.
Well, not necessarily equally, for Arday’s story importantly involves race, both via his repeated claim of the barriers he had to overcome as well as the reason he rose to such a high position despite thin accomplishments and a life story that could not be believed. The group of scholars also asks for university support of students of color who were distressed by the Arday affair:
It also urged universities to provide support and reassurance to Black students and staff affected by the debate surrounding the case.
Finally, money is being collected for Arday’s family, and there was a vigil and a petition supporting him:
An open letter addressed to Prime Minister Andy Burnham and the culture secretary has called for an immediate public inquiry into media coverage of Arday. Published by the Good Law Project, the letter says Arday was subjected to “two weeks of relentless harassment” that continued after his resignation, adding that “there cannot be any doubt that racism lay at the heart of this story.”
It so far has more than 80,000 signatures, including from prominent figures such as Diane Abbott, Zack Polanski and Jameela Jamil.
Stand Up to Racism organized an Aug. 17 vigil for Arday outside the National Gallery in Trafalgar Square.
A GoFundMe appeal started by Windrush campaigner Patrick Vernon to help Arday’s family with funeral costs has raised more than $200,000.
I disagree strongly with the view that the media has to treat everyone equally, especially when things differ—in this case the role of race—from case to case. And since this is the British press, they can be hectored to tweak their coverage so it doesn’t strike anyone as racist. That is wrong, and it’s too late anyway, for the train has left the station. As for collecting money for Arday’s family, I see that as a gesture of sympathy for him, and the guy apparently did have kids, so I have no objection to that except insofar as it’s motivated by the idea that he was the victim of (as Clarence Thomas called his Supreme Court hearing) a “high-tech lynching.”
Speaking of that, here’s a note from Carole Cadwalladr, whose Substack site is given on the second line; she thinks that, in the truest sense, Jason Arday “was the victim of a digital lynching.” I find that ridiculous.
From Coleman Hughes at the Free Press:

Here’s Hughes’s thesis:
Jason Arday was either the most interesting man in the world, or he was a liar. It turned out to be the latter.
All this has revealed many unflattering things about academia: DEI invites fraud by lowering standards, the bigotry of low expectations is alive and well, and a disturbing number of “experts”—not just Arday but all the Cambridge professors and BBC journalists who co-signed him—are compromised by ideology, cowardice, or both.
But the Arday scandal has also revealed something else: White liberals in the English-speaking world want to believe in the archetype of the up-from-nothing black intellectual who, despite huge disadvantages, goes on to achieve greatness. In fact, they want to believe in this sort of story so badly that they are willing to turn off every ounce of skepticism that they would normally bring to bear on fantastical claims.
The irony, however, is that we already have many examples of up-from-nothing black intellectuals who go on to greatness. It’s just that they usually turn out to be conservatives—or if not conservatives, then at least out-of-step with the left-wing religion of racial justice.
And that’s why, says Coleman, liberals glommed onto Arday and are loath to admit his stories and lies—or why they divert attention from them by touting a racist witch hunt. Hughes names black scholars like Thomas Sowell, Roland Fryer, and Glenn Loury as examples of heterodox or conservative black success stories. But you won’t see these people touted by liberals.
Another Free Press article, and one a little less thoughtful. Here Ditum blames academia for elevating someone who lacked merit but had the correct pigmentation:

An excerpt:
And Arday was a perfect silly season story. It was—and I am sorry to say this now that Arday is dead, but it is true—very funny. There was a childish brazenness to his exaggerations and inventions. Running 600 miles in six days, and 30 marathons in 35 days (some with a broken leg): obviously ridiculous. When The Guardian’s Lanre Bakare investigated some of Arday’s more baroque claims of harassment and found they didn’t stand up, Arday’s response was hilarious: “To be honest with you, I thought you’d just believe me.” This was a misfortune for Arday too. If he had been less amusing, he’d have attracted less attention.
But it was also (another misfortune) a serious story. It fell plum into the narrative of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) run amok: Arday was significantly underqualified for his job at Cambridge. The story also raised questions more broadly about academic standards in the humanities, regarding both Arday’s education (Liverpool John Moores University, which awarded his doctorate, confirmed that he had received just one in-person supervision while writing his PhD, which was later found to have substantial signs of plagiarism) and the education he provided to his own students.
There was the issue of police overreach. When Jack Grove of Times Higher Education submitted a routine journalistic query to Arday, Arday reported him to the police—and the police called the journalist, pressuring him not to contact Arday again. There was legal chill. Arday retained the law firm Carter-Ruck, which specializes in defamation cases, and threatened reporters with the possibility of libel action. And yes, there was racism: Cofnas is a “race realist” who considers black people intellectually inferior. But it would not have fallen to Cofnas to break the story of a “DEI cover-up” if there hadn’t been a cover-up.
. . . I do not regret writing about Arday, but I am sorry for him, and for all of us, that he was ever put in a position where he was somebody I would have cause to write about. If the plagiarism in his PhD had been dealt with at the time; if Cambridge had vetted his work; if his publisher had fact-checked his manuscript and done him the kindness of rejecting it; if the allegations of his academic malpractice had been dealt with openly in the specialist press, rather than hushed up until they became a legitimate scandal—then maybe Arday would have been spared the punishing glare of a public life.
Yes, this much is clear, but it’s been said before. Cambridge didn’t do due diligence, but in the end the person responsible for Arday’s death was Arday. We can draw object lessons about DEI and about suspending disbelief, and those are fine to discuss, but neither DEI, racism, nor the press killed Arday. He killed himself.
I was a bit surprised to see Michelle Goldberg of the New York Times agree with me about the dumb calls for censorship based on the assumption that Arday would be alive if the press had been easier on him. It’s a thoughtful piece and ends with a good quote:

An excerpt:
Those pressing for new controls on the press are making a serious mistake. Some who once championed Arday seem to be trying to deflect from their own embarrassing credulity, and it is unlikely to work. A deep resentment of both growing societal diversity and bureaucratic diversity initiatives, or D.E.I., fuels the right; it’s why Arday’s story was such catnip to the conservative press. But heavy-handed progressive attempts to stifle questions about those initiatives — to use institutional power to police the boundaries of public discourse about race, gender and religion — have a way of making that resentment even more politically potent.
. . .Many of the people who didn’t bother questioning Arday’s backstory should have known better; today their oversight looks less like respect than condescension, as if no one took him seriously enough to think hard about what he was saying. “Arday was treated not as a scholar but as a mascot,” Jason Okundaye wrote in the left-leaning Guardian.
In retrospect, it would have been much better for all concerned if the story of his scholarly mistakes and biographical inventions had broken in a careful, professional outlet like Times Higher Education, instead of festering until it turned into a right-wing parable. Cofnas’s article catalyzed a journalistic feeding frenzy not just because it seemed to show evidence of plagiarism and falsehood, but also because it claimed there’d been a cover-up, and cover-ups tend to drive reporters wild.
Well, the Guardian played a big role in promoting the Arday story, and the last I heard the Guardian was not a right-wing source! And the “journalistic feeding frenzy” was due not just to a cover-up (actually, not so much of a cover-up as institutions ignoring their standards in the interest of equity), but to the bizarre nature of Arday’s claims. But here’s the pull quote from Goldberg’s article, which is great:
For people on the left, it’s sure easier to talk about the feral excesses of the right-wing press than the willful gullibility of certain elite progressives. But both contributed to the Arday disaster. Denying that won’t protect the left. It will just leave leftists out on a limb that grows ever more shaky.
From The Atlantic (archived here):

Harper’s piece is thoughtful but I think suffers from “both-sideism”, as he appears to argue without evidence that there is disproportionate scrutiny of of black scholars. Given the unique features of this case, I’m not so sure. Quotes:
The right would have us believe that the Arday scandal is a story of affirmative action taken to its most caricaturish conclusion. Many progressives see it as something else: a racist witch hunt in which self-righteous zealots with suspect motives hounded a man to death. The problem with these narratives—and it is a sticky problem—is that they are both right.
. , .To be a Black person in elite institutions, and particularly in elite academia, is to have the standards simultaneously set too low and too high: too low because only a Black person with Arday’s dubious qualifications and seemingly invented biography could have been elevated to the top of the mountain in academia and publishing; and too high because only a Black person could have been pushed off that mountain with such nakedly racist enthusiasm, his tumbling fall so ruthlessly documented, analyzed, and cheered. When a famous white man errs, people tend to rightly understand his mistakes or transgressions as an individual’s missteps. When a famous Black man does, the errors are typically turned into spectacle, characterized as proof of the inferiority, suspected all along, of his race.
Around the same time yesterday afternoon that I learned of Arday’s fate, I came across another piece of news: an announcement that Ross Barkan, a white novelist and journalist, had just been dropped by New York magazine after the publication—having investigated allegations regarding dozens of instances of plagiarism in Barkan’s writing—concluded that his work “did not live up to our editorial standards.” Swiftly afterward, Barkan announced that he would now focus on writing a new column at The Nation, another venerable outlet. (After the publication of this article, The Nation told me that Barkan had been “in conversations with his editor about a possible column but nothing had been formalized” and that he was “not under contract” with them.)
‘There are huge differences betweenthe Barkan case and the Arday case; one is not a control for theother.
I hope this will be the last time I write about the Arday affair unless further investigation turns up something remarkable. But I have concluded two things from reading about it.
First, “wokeness” (which I define as “performative virtue signaling”) is still with us, as evidenced by those who try hard to exculpate Arday and blame his resignation and death on a racist witch hunt. For sure there is racism involved, but that is a long way from being the sole reason for Arday’s downfall, and it is not a reason for his suicide. The controversy that exists is evidence that identity politics and the oppressor/oppressed myth is stil la strong strain in liberalism, despite the fact that Arday’s rise demonstrates that he was elevated, not oppressed.
Second, it has now become okay for the press to raise the issue that merit can be dangerously ignored in some considerations of equity. It used to be taboo to say that a “minoritized” person gained privilege because of their minority status. The term “DEI hire” was always whispered and never discussed openly. Now, in the Arday case, such matters can be and have been discussed. When they can be discussed without nuances of racism, but simply as mastication of how we want to structure society and enact “social justice,” that freedom of discussion is a good thing.
Finally, some tweets:
h/t: Greg Mayer for references