The American Association of University Professors (AAUP) was founded in 1915 to defend freed0m of speech and academic freedom of faculty after a series of incidents resulted in faculty being fired for unpalatable political views. Up to the last five years, the AAUP had done a pretty good job fulfilling its mission.
But now things have changed—big time. The AAUP has taken a number of steps that are inimical to its mission. First, it defended DEI statements as an important tool for hiring and promoting professors, even though those statements constitute compelled speech, which the AAUP previously opposed. Then, though it was previously opposed to academic boycotts, the AAUP did a 180° and declared that such boycotts could be okay. It’s not coincidental that this, occurring in the summer of 2024, coincided with a number of academics favoring boycotts of Israel and the implementation of the BDS program. I can’t believe that any rational person would think that the AAUP’s complete change of position was not motivated by one thing: the desire to allow opprobrium to be directed at Israel.
But wait! There’s more! In January of this year, as my colleague Tom Ginsberg reported, the AAUP decided that institutional neutrality, as embodied in the University of Chicago’s Kalven report, wasn’t important. Ginsburg wrote about this, and the general decline of the AAUP, in The Chronicle of Higher Education:
Now comes a third statement, this one adopted in January: “On Institutional Neutrality.” Committee A unhelpfully declares that institutional neutrality is “neither a necessary condition for academic freedom nor categorically incompatible with it.” The main feature of its analysis is a rejection of the policies of the University of Chicago. But the statement contains several mischaracterizations, including a grave misunderstanding of academic freedom itself.
Institutional neutrality is important in ensuring that the speech of university members is not chilled by the school or its departments taking official positions on moral, ideological, or political issues. Ignoring it means that you don’t mind speech being chilled.
But wait! There’s STILL more, and it’s not a set of Ginsu Knives. Now the AAUP has published an article in its flagship magazine (Academe) arguing that a diversity of opinion in universities is not only something we don’t need, but could be positively inimical. The piece is called “Seven theses against viewpoint diversity“, with the subtitle “The problems with arguments for intellectual pluralism.” WHAAAAAAT? Isn’t intellectual pluralism one of the foundations of a university, necessary—along with empirical investigation guaranteed by academic freedom—for finding truth? More than that: intellectual pluralism among faculty guarantees that students get to hear different sides of an issue, which helps them hone their ability to form informed opinions.
The Academe article was written by Lisa Siraganian, identified as “the J. R. Herbert Boone Chair in Humanities and professor in the Department of Comparative Thought and Literature at Johns Hopkins University and the president of the JHU-AAUP chapter.” I think one can take this as a semi-official position of the AAUP itself, since it justifies the continued dismantling of the AAUP’s mission by giving left-wing views intellectual priority. (Remember, the vast majority of American faculty are left-wing, and there’s little viewpoint diversity. This has led many students and faculty to censor themselves.)
In an article in The Eternally Radical Idea, a website apparently run by Greg Lukianoff, the estimable president of the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE), three authors, two of them from FIRE, join with a professor of politics at Sarah Lawrence College (Samuel Abrams), to take apart the AAUP’s article. They are not recommending an affirmative action plan for professors, so that hiring and promotion priority should be given to conservatives, but they do think that we need a greater diversity of viewpoints on campus, and are hoping that campuses will reform themselves without government pressure or blackmail.
Click the article’s headline to read it:

Lukianoff et al. begin in a defensive posture, saying that they have taken action against the Trump administration on several fronts, so they’re not simply shilling for Trump when they ask for more viewpoint diversity. A bit of their justification, which seems to me a little excessive, although some of it may be necessary. Here’s a small snippet:
When the State Department threatened to revoke students’ visas and deport them for protected speech, we sued to defend the right to campus expression.
And when the White House announced its “Compact for Academic Excellence in Higher Education,” we called it out as an attempt to impose government-funded orthodoxy.
In other words, we’ve spent the better part of this year defending higher education from a White House intent on micromanaging its politics.
Those are the roses proffered to liberal academics. But then come the brickbats:
But we think those with the biggest vested interest in campus — professors and administrators — often don’t seem to have gotten the memo. At the faculty level, particularly in the humanities, the reflex too often remains obstructive.
No institution better embodies that reflex than the American Association of University Professors (AAUP). Under its current leadership — President Todd Wolfson, who frames criticism of academia as part of “right-wing forces… striving to dismantle our institutions” — the AAUP has responded to legitimate calls for reform with a mix of denial and deflection. “Professors are not the enemy,” Wolfson recently declared. “Fascists are.”
While FIRE defends higher education from federal intrusion, the AAUP defends higher education from reform. It is a guild that sees itself as untouchable: the critic-proof steward of a trillion-dollar industry, allergic to feedback from a public it doesn’t seem to know it serves. It stands atop its Perfect Rhetorical Fortress, ready to (mis)label anyone who disagrees with it.
Here’s what the AAUP has called various stands for academic freedom and free speech.
The genuinely politically diverse heterodox Academy? “Conservative.”
Critical of DEI, which has in fact been used to threaten academic freedom? “Right-wing.”
FIRE? “[C]omplicit with the attacks on higher education being led by the right” — and when someone demanded evidence, the AAUP hilariously pointed to the STOP WOKE Act, which FIRE successfully sued to block. (And then, of course, they deleted the tweet.)
Finally, Lukianoff et al. masticate the meat of Siraganian’s article, taking her seven arguments one by one. (they call her piece a “masterclass in how to lose the moral high ground”).
I’ll show Siraganian’s seven points in bold, and will give some brief excerpts from Lukianoff et al. (indented) refuting those points. Bolding in their quotes comes from the authors:
Thesis 1: “Viewpoint diversity functions in direct opposition to the pursuit of truth, the principal aim of academia.”
The piece starts out with this genuine banger. Siraganian treats “viewpoint diversity” as a threat to truth-seeking itself, tossing out caricatures about “flat-earthers” and “QAnon believers” (because of course it does) to avoid addressing the real question: How can you find truth in a system that systematically excludes dissenting voices?
. . .For decades the educational case for affirmative action was that diversity — of background and experience — improves the exchange of ideas. Last year, the AAUP put out a statement reading, “Progress toward diversity goals has resulted in better knowledge production that has started to fill in some of the gaps, expose and correct blind spots, and open entirely new vistas of inquiry that were not possible without it.”
If viewpoint diversity by racial proxy is good because it enriches the conversation, then direct diversity of viewpoints should be celebrated, not considered “direct opposition to the pursuit of truth.”
That’s a good analogy, but of course the purpose of increasing racial diversity was never really to provide viewpoint diversity but to produce racial equity. And it’s always assumed, in a patronizing way, that all members a given minority would have similar and “approved” opinions. No diversity wanted there!
Thesis 2: “Viewpoint diversity can only work as an instrumental value.”
In a nutshell, Siraganian is arguing that viewpoint diversity isn’t the real goal. Rather, truth is the real goal, and so it’s okay to remove viewpoint diversity in the pursuit of truth since it is merely “instrumental.”
. . . Call viewpoint diversity instrumental if you want, but it’s one of the most important instruments we have.
Thesis 3: “Viewpoint diversity assumes a partisan goal based on unproven premises.”
This is where the essay’s denialism crosses into comedy. Siraganian insists there’s “no proven problem” of ideological imbalance in academia — as if fifteen years of research documenting it, often by scholars inside the system, never happened.
In fact, the evidence is overwhelming. In 2012, Inbar and Lammers found that many social and personality psychologists admitted they would discriminate against conservatives in hiring or publication decisions. As Sam wrote in his initial response to Siraganian’s article:
Faculty surveys consistently reveal dramatic ideological imbalance. In many humanities and social science fields, the ratio of liberals to conservatives exceeds 10 to 1. In disciplines such as sociology, gender studies, and English, the imbalance is so extreme that it approaches a ratio of 100 to 0. A 2022 national survey found that nearly 80 percent of professors identify as liberal, while just six percent identify as conservative. These results have been replicated across multiple studies and over many years.
Thesis 4: “Viewpoint diversity undermines disciplinary and specialized knowledge and standards as well as the autonomy of academic reasoning and scholarship.”
The AAUP’s stance on DEI statements makes its hypocrisy on viewpoint diversity even worse. It has come to defend DEI statements — literal ideological litmus tests — as compatible with academic freedom. The same organization that sometimes rails against loyalty oaths now endorses their mirror image, provided the creed is fashionable. When Republicans want loyalty oaths, it’s “fascism.” When the test runs the other direction, it’s “progress.”
This extraordinary hubris merits no deference.
Thesis 5: “Viewpoint diversity is incoherent.” A remedy for the problem is contained in Lukianoff et al.’s response (via Jon Haidt):
The search for truth is the search for ever more complicated and refined questions. We pursue that search by considering competing possible answers. To do that, we need a diversity of speakers to postulate such answers, and more carefully refine the next question. Therefore, the search for truth requires a diversity of views. As Ohio State University professor Michel W. Clune explained in his own response to Siraganian, citing viewpoint diversity defender (and Greg’s The Coddling of the American Mind co-author):
The goal, for Haidt, is neither the proportionate representation of conservatives in academe nor the representation of every possible view on an issue, but “institutionalized disconfirmation.” There should be a sufficient diversity of views in academic units to enable teachers and researchers to identify and challenge claims that, in homogenous conditions, are often tacitly accepted.
Thesis 6: “Viewpoint diversity has already been used, both in the United States and abroad, to attack higher education and stifle academic freedom.”
and the last one:
Thesis 7: “The argument for viewpoint diversity is made in bad faith.
This one is particularly rich, given the organization has frequently engaged in bad faith arguments — such as their recent approval of academic boycotts. Of course, the major boycott movement underway is BDS, a movement against Israel. But that’s not really why they did it, you understand. It’s only a coincidence that Todd Wolfson decided the very next thing he’ll do is support BDS at Rutgers.
It was transparent, and it thought people looking on were fools. Yes, the AAUP’s decision to abandon its position on boycotts while pretending there wasn’t one specific thing it wanted to boycott was made in bad faith. Indeed, it’s hard to take the argument that viewpoint diversity is anathema to academic freedom as anything other than bad faith, given that the AAUP, like many institutions, seizes the value of viewpoint diversity when it’s attached to identity, color, or sexuality, but not when it’s attached to actual diversity of opinion.
Done and dusted! The dissimulation of the AAUP when it rescinded its opposition to academic boycotts was definitely an example of bad faith, and if you think otherwise, you’re clueless. It was made to rubber-stamp boycotts of Israeli universities and academics.
THE SOLUTION: Here’s how Lukianoff et al. end their piece: by telling us what we should do (i.e., reform ourselves) and how the AAUP, which now seems completely worthless, is in fact buttressing the anti-academic authoritarianism of Trump:
Since these theses were a challenge, we have a challenge in return. If you’re serious about reform, prove it in two moves:
First, say it out loud: “We have a homogeneity problem that makes error invisible and dissent costly.”
Second, do the basics: End compelled statements and ideological screens. Adopt institutional neutrality and robust free-expression commitments. Protect due process. Build recurring, in-house debates across real schools of thought.
If you can’t do those two, you’re not serious. You’re just ideological bullies looking for protection against a much bigger, scarier ideological bully.
Where this ends.
We’ve said it before, and we’ll say it again: FIRE will fight government overreach from any administration. But the AAUP’s current posture — insisting that higher ed has nothing to fix while the public’s trust in academia plummets — is a gift to every demagogue who wants to control it.
This is how Trump wins — not because his administration understands or cares about free speech and academic freedom, but because the people who should have been steadfastly defending those principles decided they were optional.
Reform is coming either way. The only question is whether universities will do it themselves, or have it done to them.
This is getting long, so I’ll just recommend that you read the critique of the AAUP by attorney and legal scholar Jonathan Turley on his website (click below):

A quote from Turley, who has another solution, though he does seem to approve of some government interference (“public-funding legislative bodoes”). To me, pressure from donors are fine, but not so much the government.
The current generation of faculty and administrators has destroyed higher education by destroying diversity of thought and free speech on our campuses. The effort of the AAUP and faculty like Siraganian to rationalize the basis for this intolerance is evidence of the hold of such bias. Faculty members would prefer to allow higher education to plunge to even lower levels of trust and applications than to allow for greater diversity in their departments.
Once again, we cannot rely on faculty members to restore balance. We will need to focus on donors (as well as public-funding legislative bodies) to withhold money from these departments. Universities will not allow for opposing or dissenting views unless they have little financial choice. In this sense, we need to focus on public universities as the best ground to fight for diversity of thought. These schools, directly subject to First Amendment protections, can offer an alternative to schools like Johns Hopkins and Harvard for those who want to learn in a more diverse environment.