A critique of woke language

June 12, 2023 • 9:30 am

The Atlantic is beginning to publish a number of articles critical of wokeness, and the one below is one of the best.  George Packer, a staff writer at the magazine, makes the case that “equity language” (you’ll know what it is, but I’ll give some examples) is proliferating, and that’s part of a deliberate strategy to hide uncomfortable truths from people as part of an ideological strategy. It is also, as he says, a form of performative political action: pretending to change the world while actually doing almost nothing.  While the aims of the language-purifiers are good—to help those who are less well off—they do no such thing, and the exponents of language purification actually realize this.  The gap between their aims and their accomplishments, argues Packer, bespeaks a deep pessimism about their ability to actually change anything.

Click to read; if you haven’t read the magazine lately it’s free, and I also found the article archived here.

 

I’ll put a few main points (and quotes) under my own headings, and compare Packer’s thesis to that espoused in Orwell’s wonderful essay Politics and the English Language (free online), as there are many similarities. Quotes from Packer and Orwell are indented; unless I say otherwise, I’m quoting Packer.

The ubiquity of equity language:

Equity-language guides are proliferating among some of the country’s leading institutions, particularly nonprofits. The American Cancer Society has one. So do the American Heart Association, the American Psychological Association, the American Medical Association, the National Recreation and Park Association, the Columbia University School of Professional Studies, and the University of Washington. The words these guides recommend or reject are sometimes exactly the same, justified in nearly identical language. This is because most of the guides draw on the same sources from activist organizations: A Progressive’s Style Guide, the Racial Equity Tools glossary, and a couple of others. The guides also cite one another. The total number of people behind this project of linguistic purification is relatively small, but their power is potentially immense.

Indeed it is. While you may refuse to stop using “field work” to refer to biology done outdoors, terms like “Latinx,” “enslaved person,” and “diverse person” have worked their way into everyday prose.  I myself have used all three of these, and of course you have to be au courant since the words keep changing as the ideological arguments shift. But one result from reading Packer’s work is that I will no longer sacrifice clarity to truckle to the ideology of a few people who decide what terms are proper. Terms like “brown bag lunch,” “Americans”, “blind to this idea”, and similar ones (all demonized) will remain in my vocabulary

Examples of equity language:

In the spirit of Strunk and White, the guides call for using specific rather than general terms, plain speech instead of euphemisms, active not passive voice. Yet they continually violate their own guidance, and the crusade to eliminate harmful language could hardly do otherwise. A division of the University of Southern California’s School of Social Work has abandoned field, as in fieldwork (which could be associated with slavery or immigrant labor) in favor of the obscure Latinism practicum. The Sierra Club offers refuse to take action instead of paralyzed by fear, replacing a concrete image with a phrase that evokes no mental picture. It suggests the mushy protect our rights over the more active stand up for our rights. Which is more euphemistic, mentally ill or person living with a mental-health condition? Which is more vague, ballsy or risk-taker? What are diversityequity, and inclusion but abstractions with uncertain meanings whose repetition creates an artificial consensus and muddies clear thought? When a university administrator refers to an individual student as “diverse,” the word has lost contact with anything tangible—which is the point.

Or, as Orwell said, “words and meaning have almost parted company.”

Why these changes are ideological.

When the San Francisco Board of Supervisors replaces felon with justice-involved person, it is making an ideological claim—that there is something illegitimate about laws, courts, and prisons. If you accept the change—as, in certain contexts, you’ll surely feel you must—then you also acquiesce in the argument.

Likewise, banning the term “paralyzed by fear” (verboten because it’s ableist) has the rationale that describing one form of inaction or indecision somehow worsens the lot of people suffering from physical paralysis. There is of course no evidence for this; it’s an argument made purely to demonstrate that this kind of language hurts groups of people. If there were evidence that it really did, that would be one thing, but there is no evidence for such claims except in the worst cases of ethnic slurs. Can you find anybody actually injured by somone saying, “Tom is off in Montana doing field work”? No; the argument for harm is purely hypothetical. However, as Orwell realized, gaining power over language gives you political power—and that is the point of his essay (and one of the points of his book Nineteen Eighty-Four).

As Packer notes, these changes don’t occur the normal way words and phrases change: through an organic process that people adopt gradually. Instead, the ideological changes are imposed from above by diktat—imposed by a cadre of those who think they know what language will improve society and what language will not.

Why these changes suck the life out of prose. Both Packer and Orwell rewrote passages, putting them into politically correct language, to show how ludicrous the changes are:

Here’s Packer (by the way, I’m going to read Boo’s book):

Katherine Boo’s Behind the Beautiful Forevers is a nonfiction masterpiece that tells the story of Mumbai slum dwellers with the intimacy of a novel. The book was published in 2012, before the new language emerged:

The One Leg’s given name was Sita. She had fair skin, usually an asset, but the runt leg had smacked down her bride price. Her Hindu parents had taken the single offer they got: poor, unattractive, hard-working, Muslim, old—“half-dead, but who else wanted her,” as her mother had once said with a frown.

Translated into equity language, this passage might read:

Sita was a person living with a disability. Because she lived in a system that centered whiteness while producing inequities among racial and ethnic groups, her physical appearance conferred an unearned set of privileges and benefits, but her disability lowered her status to potential partners. Her parents, who were Hindu persons, accepted a marriage proposal from a member of a community with limited financial resources, a person whose physical appearance was defined as being different from the traits of the dominant group and resulted in his being set apart for unequal treatment, a person who was considered in the dominant discourse to be “hardworking,” a Muslim person, an older person. In referring to him, Sita’s mother used language that is considered harmful by representatives of historically marginalized communities.

Equity language fails at what it claims to do. This translation doesn’t create more empathy for Sita and her struggles. Just the opposite—it alienates Sita from the reader, placing her at a great distance. A heavy fog of jargon rolls in and hides all that Boo’s short burst of prose makes clear with true understanding, true empathy.

Orwell did a similar thing:

Now that I have made this catalogue of swindles and perversions, let me give another example of the kind of writing that they lead to. This time it must of its nature be an imaginary one. I am going to translate a passage of good English into modern English of the worst sort. Here is a well-known verse from Ecclesiastes:

I returned and saw under the sun, that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, neither yet bread to the wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding, nor yet favour to men of skill; but time and chance happeneth to them all.

Here it is in modern English:

Objective considerations of contemporary phenomena compel the conclusion that success or failure in competitive activities exhibits no tendency to be commensurate with innate capacity, but that a considerable element of the unpredictable must invariably be taken into account.

This is a parody, but not a very gross one.

Why the changes are made.  Of course we already know about the purpose of wokefying language. Although motivated by a form of compassion, the ultimate result, as the proponents may realize, is not only to gain linguistic and hence political power, but to take the sting out of hard reality: to make words like “slave” easier on the ear by calling them “enslaved people.”  And it of course is authoritarian, not only giving power to the language-changes but to demonize those who refuse to go along.  Both Packer and Orwell make these points.

Packer:

The whole tendency of equity language is to blur the contours of hard, often unpleasant facts. This aversion to reality is its main appeal. Once you acquire the vocabulary, it’s actually easier to say people with limited financial resources than the poor. The first rolls off your tongue without interruption, leaves no aftertaste, arouses no emotion. The second is rudely blunt and bitter, and it might make someone angry or sad. Imprecise language is less likely to offend. Good writing—vivid imagery, strong statements—will hurt, because it’s bound to convey painful truths.

. . . and Orwell:

Consider for instance some comfortable English professor defending Russian totalitarianism. He cannot say outright, ‘I believe in killing off your opponents when you can get good results by doing so’. Probably, therefore, he will say something like this:

‘While freely conceding that the Soviet regime exhibits certain features which the humanitarian may be inclined to deplore, we must, I think, agree that a certain curtailment of the right to political opposition is an unavoidable concomitant of transitional periods, and that the rigors which the Russian people have been called upon to undergo have been amply justified in the sphere of concrete achievement.’

The inflated style itself is a kind of euphemism. A mass of Latin words falls upon the facts like soft snow, blurring the outline and covering up all the details. The great enemy of clear language is insincerity. When there is a gap between one’s real and one’s declared aims, one turns as it were instinctively to long words and exhausted idioms, like a cuttlefish spurting out ink. In our age there is no such thing as ‘keeping out of politics’. All issues are political issues, and politics itself is a mass of lies, evasions, folly, hatred, and schizophrenia. When the general atmosphere is bad, language must suffer. I should expect to find — this is a guess which I have not sufficient knowledge to verify — that the German, Russian and Italian languages have all deteriorated in the last ten or fifteen years, as a result of dictatorship.

(Note how well Orwell writes here, using metaphors that actually make you visualize something!)

In the end, politicizing language in this way (and I freely admit that there are a few words that should not be used; you can guess them), corrupts and kills language, corrupts thought, and gives power to those who don’t deserve it. The use of power is particularly invidious because those who mandate language changes are not the same group that the changes are aimed at helping. Language-changing is the purview of the privileged, of professors, and of those who realize that there’s an easy way to control the behavior of other people.

We all recognize that most of the suggested changes in words and phrases are performative; that is, they don’t effect any positive social change. (This is reminiscent of the drive to improve society by getting rid of the common names of all birds named after people, whether those people be good or bad.) The linguistic changes don’t bring different groups of people together or reduce divisions in society. Now perhaps some of the language police really think their efforts will make big changes in society, but it’s hard to argue that convincingly.

Instead, the main result is to make the privileged exponents of language change feel better about themselves—a form of linguistic narcissism.  But Packer does make a new and important point at the end: language-policing bespeaks a deep pessimism about the possibility of social change. Perhaps this is because its promoters realize that to really produce meaningful social change, we need long-term, difficult, and expensive work done to ensure, as far as possible, that all people get equal opportunities from birth. This is a practical impossibility, but we can surely get closer to that goal, though it will require real work and financial sacrifice from those who are better off off.  It’s curious, but not coincidental, that the both rejection of the idea of real progress and the drive to purify language, comes from the left, once the habitat of Free Speech.

Packer:

This huge expense of energy to purify language reveals a weakened belief in more material forms of progress. If we don’t know how to end racism, we can at least call it structural. The guides want to make the ugliness of our society disappear by linguistic fiat. Even by their own lights, they do more ill than good—not because of their absurd bans on ordinary words like congresswoman and expat, or the self-torture they require of conscientious users, but because they make it impossible to face squarely the wrongs they want to right, which is the starting point for any change. Prison does not become a less brutal place by calling someone locked up in one a person experiencing the criminal-justice system. Obesity isn’t any healthier for people with high weight. It’s hard to know who is likely to be harmed by a phrase like native New Yorker or under fire; I doubt that even the writers of the guides are truly offended. But the people in Behind the Beautiful Forevers know they’re poor; they can’t afford to wrap themselves in soft sheets of euphemism. Equity language doesn’t fool anyone who lives with real afflictions. It’s meant to spare only the feelings of those who use it.

The project of the guides is utopian, but they’re a symptom of deep pessimism. They belong to a fractured culture in which symbolic gestures are preferable to concrete actions, argument is no longer desirable, each viewpoint has its own impenetrable dialect, and only the most fluent insiders possess the power to say what is real. What I’ve described is not just a problem of the progressive left. The far right has a different vocabulary, but it, too, relies on authoritarian shibboleths to enforce orthodoxy. It will be a sign of political renewal if Americans can say maddening things to one another in a common language that doesn’t require any guide.

And Orwell’s ending:

. . . one ought to recognise that the present political chaos is connected with the decay of language, and that one can probably bring about some improvement by starting at the verbal end. If you simplify your English, you are freed from the worst follies of orthodoxy. You cannot speak any of the necessary dialects, and when you make a stupid remark its stupidity will be obvious, even to yourself. Political language — and with variations this is true of all political parties, from Conservatives to Anarchists — is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind. One cannot change this all in a moment, but one can at least change one’s own habits, and from time to time one can even, if one jeers loudly enough, send some worn-out and useless phrase — some jackboot, Achilles’ heel, hotbed, melting pot, acid test, veritable inferno, or other lump of verbal refuse — into the dustbin where it belongs.

Speaking of dustbins, I’m making an effort to unwoken my language, and I’d recommend that you think twice before you automatically adopt the politically correct recommendations.  I’ve been using some PC language, even on this website—going along to get along. But that’s not a good reason for changing one’s writing.

h/t: Merilee

37 thoughts on “A critique of woke language

  1. “lived experience” is one that is weighing on my mind in the moment.

    You see? In the moment – lived experience – sound like something?

    Personally, this has just recently put me in a state of deconstructedness. But that’s me insinuating.

    I’m glad language – especially clear language – its imperfect nature, yet our utter dependence on it, is valued by at least someone out there.

      1. Indeed. Straight from the Wokish glossary.

        But what work is “lived experience” doing? Am I living an experience? Well, yes.

        That is my sort of glimpse into the abyss for the day.

        1. RE: What work is “lived experience” doing?
          It’s supposed be lived experience vs systematic evidence. The expression “lived experience” is used to shut people up who disagree with you (if you have lived experience in the relevant realm). This leads then to claims like “Only black [trans] people can talk about problems affecting blacks [trans people].”The problem, of course, is the ambiguities of experience. People are not infrequently wrong about some aspect of themselves and/or their experiences. So learning from experience isn’t as easy as it sounds.
          See, for instance, here:
          James G. March: The Ambiguities of Experience (Messenger Lectures). Cornell UP, 2010
          https://www.amazon.com/Ambiguities-Experience-Messenger-Lectures/dp/0801448778
          From the publisher’s description:
          In The Ambiguities of Experience, James G. March asks a deceptively simple question: What is, or should be, the role of experience in creating intelligence, particularly in organizations? Folk wisdom both trumpets the significance of experience and warns of its inadequacies. On one hand, experience is described as the best teacher. On the other hand, experience is described as the teacher of fools, of those unable or unwilling to learn from accumulated knowledge or the teaching of experts. The disagreement between those folk aphorisms reflects profound questions about the human pursuit of intelligence through learning from experience that have long confronted philosophers and social scientists. This book considers the unexpected problems organizations (and the individuals in them) face when they rely on experience to adapt, improve, and survive.

          1. Lindsay:

            “Lived experience, as Critical Social Justice uses the term, refers more specifically to one’s life experiences in allegedly systemic power dynamics of dominance and oppression that shape society structurally as understood with a critical consciousness and interpreted through Theory. That is, one’s “lived experience” refers to the interpretation that Critical Social Justice Theory gives for the anecdotal accounts of experiences one has had.”

      2. The wokerati only value “lived experience” when it precisely reflects their biases. If you have “lived experience” — formerly known as “experience” — that varies even slightly from their dogma, it simply does. not. count.

        It’s Orwellian, and more than a little Stalinistic.

    1. I’ve just copy-edited a book in which I’ve deleted the word “lived” from that phrase every time it appears, leaving “experience”. There is absolutely no loss of meaning.

      1. Not from the author’s perspective – in fact, the edit demonstrates systemic power over knowledge … etc. …

    2. “Lived experience” is particularly odious. That phrase gives license to those who would replace truth with personal feelings. Those who extol the virtues of “lived experience” oppose facts, merit, and reason. “Lived experience” allows one to reject all of those things in favor of one’s own idiosyncratic beliefs. “Lived experience” is a “trigger phrase” for me. Watch for it.

  2. DEI practitioners don’t really do anything in their highly paid jobs to help the company make more and better products. To make themselves seem necessary, they invent a language in which only they can be fluent. As Packer and Orwell seem to conclude, talking about doing something is all that’s needed to justify one’s existence.

    1. +1

      Or, “OK, we’ve rooted out all occurrences of racial injustice in our society, and effected changes in our language so that they can never recur, so our work is done and we’ll leave our high-paid and powerful positions to work on other necessary things…”

      …said no DEI “expert” ever.

  3. Jonathan Haidt explains the sociological origins of Wokism in a recent talk.
    YouTube: UBC Phil Lind Initiative 2023 Presents: Jonathan Haidt.

    1. I wish to heck I’d known about these talks before they happened! Perhaps I should read my UBC Alumni newsletters more closely — they may have shown up in there.

  4. I’m reminded of the original Political Correctness when terms like ‘blackboard’ and ‘manhole’ were roundly condemned as sexist and then the condemnation roundly mocked.

    Some Politically Correct terms did make it out of the 70s though – such as ‘chairperson’. From which I infer that ‘sensible’ language will make it out of today’s mish mash of over-reaching language.

  5. The expression “enslaved person” is particularly objectionable, and historians like David Blight have defended the use of “slave”. One of the great works of Frederick Douglass is the speech “What to the slave is the Fourth of July?” Not long ago, an African American woman, working as a docent at a plantation was fired for using the word “slave” instead of the old Southern euphemism, “servant”. For her, the important thing was sticking to the word that didn’t evade the brutal reality. The woke preference for “enslaved person” does not show respect for personhood. Historians like Blight who use the word “slave” show respect for those who actually were slaves by helping us see and understand the realities of their lives.

    1. Actually “enslaved person” is probably the only woke term I do have time for (though I have no objection to anyone saying “slave” and do it myself from time to time). Why? Because it’s a way of remembering that enslavement, whether by capture or from birth, is something that is *done to* a person, rather than a status that they somehow have naturally. Since the idea of a race who are naturally servile was one of the main self-serving delusions with which slave-owning societies in the last few centuries have justified the institution, that seems to me something worth being reminded of.

      1. “Few millennia” would be more accurate. But agreed that only when ocean-crossing ships were developed did it become possible to bring slaves from far enough away that they looked radically different from the slave owners they toiled for. Of course they were originally captured and sold from the next tribe over, as always.

        Slavery as racism, pro and con, was a peculiarly white Protestant Anglo-European (and hence American) formulation, which undoubtedly helped end the practice in the British Empire and the United States while it continued elsewhere, where racism wasn’t (and isn’t) really regarded as a thing to get exercised over.

        1. Yes, slavery itself of course was a human universal until the 19th century, but in classical Greece and Rome, for instance, it didn’t have the racial component that characterized the later transatlantic variety.

          1. I clearly remember a moment ten years ago or so when I realized how morally bankrupt the whole Social Justice enterprise was. It was when Rebecca Watson insisted that the word “stupid” should not be used, because it’s ableist against mentally handicapped people.
            Not only did that not make any sense on the face of it (I assume mentally handicapped people have other things to do than feel insulted by someone saying “that’s stupid” on a blog comment on atheism), it aims at the heart of our moral compass. The goal is to “end discrimination”, but “discrimination” in the wider sense- being able to tell the difference between something that’s desirable and something that’s not – is crucial to everything in life. Ceteris paribus, smart is better than stupid, good is better than evil, healthy is better than sick, success is better than failure, beautiful is better than ugly. If we’re no longer allowed to say and think that, what are we expected to aim for in life?

          2. So “ending discrimination” in this context is more like “ending all discernment”.

          3. Yeah, and I think that’s pretty explicit in woke philosophy. One central postmodern idea is that every discernment introduces a hierarchy of “good” and “bad” (which it sometimes does, but not always). The woke extension of that notion is that every hierarchy of “good” and “bad” is necessarily oppressive to those who fall into the “bad” category, and must be eradicated, and that goes off the reails real bad, real quick.

    2. What the woke preference for “enslaved person” shows is the contempt the woke have for common people. We are told that “enslaved person” is preferable to slave because it centers personhood (slaves are not just slaves, etc.). But which idiot thinks that slaves are not a person??? Just because it remains unsaid when using the the word “slave” does not mean that we don’t know that slaves are human beings.

      This comes from the same place as newspaper headlines like:

      The 25 Travel Experiences You Must Have
      18 Recipes You Should Learn by Heart
      Watch These 12 Titles Before They Leave Netflix in May
      What to Know About Tucker Carlson’s Rise

      These 4 headlines from the New York Times have in common that they issue injunctions to the reader, talk down to them: You must/should/need/absolutely have to do this or know that.
      People who write headlines like this are either fairly clueless about human psychology (ever heard of reactance?) or deem their readers to be children who have to be told what to do (or both).
      It didn’t used to be this way. But it’s called militant journalism (wokeness for journalists). Objectivity is passé. The journalist has to show moral clarity which means browbeating their readers.

      What Stanley Fish said about university professors – Just do your job. And if you want to save the world, then do it on your own time! – also applies to journalists since neither university professors nor journalists are trained to save the world. That is, when they try to improve society they don’t have a leg up on us, the plebs, the great unwashed, the jetsam and flotsam of history. But they surely think they do.

      S. Fish: Think Again: Contrarian Reflections on Life, Culture, Politics, Religion, Law, and Education. Princeton, 2015
      Chapter 7.3: Tip to professors: Just do your job. pp.307-310

    3. What to the slave is the Fourth of July?

      I haven’t read the speech but my first thought is “a 30 year extension to the institution of slavery”.

      Of course that’s simplistic because, if the colonies hadn’t won the War of Independence who knows what the subsequent history of slavery in the British Empire would be.

      1. Very true. Also, if the US had remained a colony, without otherwise affecting subsequent British politics, the cost of paying off slaveowners would have been higher, perhaps delaying the abolition.

    1. Well, it reminds me of reading about a movie with an all Black cast and crew being touted as thereby extremely diverse.

  6. When the San Francisco Board of Supervisors replaces felon with justice-involved person

    Which makes me wonder whether, the oh-so-wokey-woke San Francisco Board of Supervisors will refer to a certain ex-President (if convicted) as a “justice-involved person.”

  7. I admire Jerry’s project here to unwoken one’s language use. Not going along with euphemisms for groups (“justice-involved person”) or characteristics (“neurodivergent”) can create controversy and disagreement but that seems survivable in most uses. OTOH, at my university an employee can be disciplined (perhaps not fired) for failing to use preferred pronouns to refer to another person. Gender is the third rail that I think many people will be reluctant to grasp because (for example) “he” is interpreted as a direct personal affront to a male who thinks or pretends he is a woman.

    Also apologies for the violent “third rail” metaphor, which invokes electrocution and possibly suicide.

    1. It’s also insufficiently inclusive because it erases people who don’t have lived experience with big-city subway trains. When I was growing up my only knowledge of the term was the powered centre rail on Lionel O-27 toy train track. But 12 volts wasn’t going to hurt anyone.

  8. As pointed out in #2 above, the compilers of disapproved word lists are drones whose time is devoted to the invention of things they can do to justify their status. They could be described by a slight variation of an old Soviet joke: “we pretend to work, and they actually pay us”.

  9. “Justice-involved”? To me, that says anybody who is involved with the justice system e.g. lawyers, judges, defendants.

    I can understand that “felon” is something of a pejorative term but you won’t find any combination of words that doesn’t fudge what the person is that does not have negative connotations. The problem isn’t the word but that they have been convicted of a serious crime.

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