Saudia Arabia set to behead 14 for political protests; Trump and Theresa May are silent

August 4, 2017 • 10:00 am

It seems that, contrary to Steve Pinker’s thesis, the world is regressing in terms of morality. Authoritarian regimes are coming into power, including that of  Putin, Recep Erdogan, Theresa May, and, of course, Trump. And I know of few Western countries that will speak up to condemn the medieval barbarisms long enacted by some of their allies, most notably Saudi Arabia.  According to the New York Times, our “good friends” the Saudis are about to execute by beheading 14 people, including one arrested at 17 who has been beaten, tortured, and now faces beheading in Riyadh for the horrible crime of taking part in a political protest—six years ago. As the New York Times reports today:

Mujtaba al-Sweikat was a bright 17-year-old student on his way to visit Western Michigan University when he was arrested at King Fahd Airport in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in 2012. Since then, Mr. Sweikat has been in Saudi custody, subjected to torture, including beatings so severe his shoulder was broken, in order to extract confessions that sealed his fate: condemned to death, likely by beheading. Saudi Arabia’s Supreme Court has upheld Mr. Sweikat’s June 2016 death sentence, as well as those of 13 other Saudi citizens tried with him — including a disabled man and two who were juveniles when sentenced — after a mass trial that made a mockery of international standards of due process. Now, the only person who can prevent these barbarous executions is King Salman, who must ratify the death sentences.

As was the case with many members of Saudi Arabia’s Shiite minority condemned to death in recent years, Mr. Sweikat’s crime was attending political protests in the heady months following the 2011 Arab Spring. The human rights group Reprieve, 116 Western Michigan University faculty and staff members and the American Federation of Teachers are calling on President Trump to intervene with King Salman on behalf of Mr. Sweikat and the other condemned men.

Hope is slim, though. During his trip to Saudi Arabia in May, Mr. Trump basically told the Saudi regime that the United States would look the other way on human rights abuses, saying, “We are not here to lecture.”

Actually, what he said (in Riyadh, where the executions take place) was this:

“We are not here to lecture — we are not here to tell other people how to live, what to do, who to be, or how to worship. Instead, we are here to offer partnership — based on shared interests and values — to pursue a better future for us all.”

Sadly, gays, women, and those whose heads are about to be lopped off do not face a better future. This abject cultural relativism is unconscionable, and done solely for material gain of the U.S.

In fact, we SHOULD BE there to lecture when countries deemed our “allies” engage in odious practices like this (stoning and amputation are also Saudi practices, and children over 15 can be legally executed). And I’m not even discussing the execrable way the Saudis treat women and gays, but at the very least we shouldn’t abide by those regulations when our officials visit that country.

According to The Independent, Prime Minister Theresa May hasn’t said anything either, though one minister did condemn Saudi Arabia’s death penalty:

Maya Foa, director of UK-based human rights organisation Reprieve, accused Ms May of a “deafening silence” of the 14 imminent executions.

“This is an extremely worrying move from the increasingly brutal regime in Saudi Arabia.

“Minister Alistair Burt is right to make clear the UK’s opposition to the brutal death penalty in Saudi Arabia, but his words stand in stark contrast to the deafening silence from Theresa May on this issue.

Saudi Arabia has already executed 57 people this year, and it’s barely half over.  Even if we protested, the likelihood that the Saudis would actually do anything seems small, but the least a liberal democracy can do is condemn violations of human rights by our allies. That might tick them off, but are we to be silent while the heads of juveniles roll, merely for protesting a foreign government?

Here’s the young man in question:

 

A Sophisticated Theologian argues that, after Paris, we need religion more than ever!

November 18, 2015 • 9:45 am

Reader Mark called my attention to an article in Monday’s Washington Post: “In light of the Paris attacks, is it time to eradicate religion?” According to Ben Goren’s Rule, any question posed in a newspaper article is invariably answered in the negative, and indeed, it is here. That’s expected, of course, when the author is, as in this case, a Protestant theologian. But his answer is unsatisfying and, surprisingly, the article is poorly written—even more surprising given that the author is Miroslav Volf, identified thusly by the Post:

Miroslav Volf teaches theology at Yale University and directs Yale Center for Faith and Culture. His most recent book is “Flourishing: Why We Need Religion in a Globalized World” (Yale University Press, 2016).

In fact, Wikipedia, in a very long article, says that Volf is “one of the most celebrated theologians of our day.” Clearly Volf is a Sophisticated Theologian™, so we can expect him to give us the very best arguments for retaining religion. But he fails.

Here is my summary of Volf’s main points (his words are indented):

Religion is here to stay, and in fact is growing.

First, if the hope for the world depends on eradication of religion, we should all despair. Religions are in fact growing in absolute and relative terms. In 1970, there were 0.71 billion unaffiliated or non-religious people, while in 2050, there will be 1.2 billion. That’s impressive growth, until you compare it with the projected growth of religions.

Between 1970 and 2050, the number of Hindus is projected to grow from 0.43 to nearly 1.4 billion, the number of Muslims from 0.55 billion to 2.7 billion and the number of Christians from 1.25 billion to 2.9 billion. And due to the immense popularity of the democratic ideal, religious adherents are becoming increasingly politically assertive.

Religions may be growing in absolute numbers, but that’s because the world population is growing. What’s important is whether religion are growing in “relative terms”, that is, is the proportion of believers increasing? And here Volf’s claim that this is also true is just wrong. A Pew survey this year shows that, among all religions, only Islam is growing in relative terms, while the others are holding steady or shrinking. The estimated projections over the next 35 years, when there will be a 35% increase in the world population:

PF_15.04.02_ProjectionsOverview_populationChange_310px

Well, be that as it may, Volf goes on:

Religion will be with us forever.

The sooner that humanity either eradicates or quarantines off religion, the better our world will be. This conclusion would be too hasty, however.

. . . It is impossible to eradicate or quarantine religion. Any attempt to do so would result in far more bloodshed than religious people have perpetrated throughout their long histories.

Note the tropes of pest control: “eradication” and “quarantine.” Apparently he sees opponents of religion as an Orkin-like movement bent on annihilation.  In fact, antitheists envision a peaceful process of secularization based on changing people’s minds and fixing the social conditions that give rise to faith.

And as for the “impossibility” of that happening, it is in fact precisely  what is happening in the U.S. and Europe. Northern Europe in particular was once quite religious but is now largely atheistic. The inhabitants of countries like France and Sweden have given up their childish things—perhaps because social conditions have improved. And even the U.S., where Volf lives, is becoming more secular.

So why else should we want religion to remain with us. Volf gives mor reasons:

Most world religions (including the Abrahamic ones) promote a message of peace and tolerance.

For most religions, the distinctions between true and false religion, justice and injustice, and good and evil are central. Each religion insists on the goodness of the way of life it promotes, rejecting other ways of life as imperfect, misguided or even wicked.

Also, most world religions are based either on positive revelation (Moses, Jesus or Muhammad) or on spiritual enlightenment (Buddha or Confucius) granted to foundational figures.
Note Volf’s distinction in the first paragraph between “true” and “false” religion. As we all know, that’s bogus. All religions are false in terms of their factual assertions. If by “true” or “false” he means the degree of adherence to scripture, well, Old + New Testament Christianity is not a paradigm of goodness, but it’s still “true” if you take Old Testament assertions literally. And we all know that extreme Islamism is no more “false” than is its more moderate relatives: read the Qur’an, which according to the vast majority of Muslims must be taken literally. And if you do read the Qur’an, which after all is the basis of the religion that spawned Volf’s essay, you would have to interpret it pretty tortuously to see it as a “positive religion.” Finally, it is the divisiveness of faith, the very fact that each religion sees others as “imperfect, misguided, or even wicked,” that is largely responsible for what happened in Paris.
Of course all religions insist on the “goodness of the way of life” they promote: how could they do otherwise? Seriously, “we are promoting a bad way of life”?  But this is circumlocution: the question is whether the ways of life they promote are really good.  And this is where Volf comes a cropper, for he doesn’t distinguish between “good” behavior that he thinks can be tortured out of scripture, and the ways that religion really makes people behave:
But all world religions have resources not just to avoid underwriting violence but to promote cultures of peace in pluralistic environments. Religions have significant resources precisely because they claim to be true for all human beings at all times and places, as I argue in my new book “Flourishing: Why We Need Religion in a Globalized World.

Yes, and it those absolute and timeless truth claims that are causing problems. The “significant resources” are not resources but bugs—bugs of dogmatism. A religion that doesn’t evolve by responding to secular currents of morality, currents that involve greater justice for women, gays, minorities, and so on, is a religion that harmful and retrograde. Clearly, right now Islam isn’t able  to promote peace in “pluralistic environments.” France is one such pluralistic environment. Doesn’t Volf see how the facts contradict his claims?

Religions embrace pluralistic and enlightened values. 

It is in this section that Volf really appears blinkered. Here are what Volf sees as the “four fundamental values that religion embraces” (he actually gives only three):

First, equal moral value of all citizens. Because world religions are universalistic, they affirm the equal value of all people. They do not distinguish between moral “insiders” and moral “outsiders.” They all embrace some version of the Golden Rule with its underlying principle of reciprocity.

 Here Volf is confusing the way he’d like religions to be with the way they really are. If he thinks that religions don’t distinguish between moral insiders and outsiders, he hasn’t read the Qur’an, is unaware of the continuing conflict between Muslims and Jews or between Sunni and Shia Muslims, doesn’t know about the Partition of India in 1947, is ignorant of what happened in Northern Ireland, hasn’t heard of the Jewish morning prayer in which men thank God for not making them women or gentiles, doesn’t know about the pervasive Muslim demonization of gays and infidels, and isn’t even aware of the Right’s insistence in his own country that we live in a “Christian nation.”
Second, freedom of religion. World religions can and many do embrace full freedom of religion, which includes freedom to adopt and change religion as well as freedom to propagate religion.
“Many do” is the operative term here. One might as well say, “Many don’t.” There is no freedom of religion in many Muslim lands, and, in fact, many countries outlaw blasphemy or have state religions. Here are three figures from Wikipedia showing where blasphemy is a crime, where apostasy is a crime, and where there is state religion. Note that the overlap is almost entirely in Muslim countries:
Blasphemy laws:
Screen Shot 2015-11-18 at 8.27.06 AM
Apostasy laws (all in Islamic countries):
Screen Shot 2015-11-18 at 9.31.35 AM
State religions:
Screen Shot 2015-11-18 at 8.27.38 AM
“Full freedom of religion” my tuchus!
Volf continues to peer through his rose-colored spectacles:
Third, separation of religion and rule. Just because world religions have what Nietzsche called “two worlds” account of reality, transcendent and mundane, and give primacy to the transcendent realm, they contain a clear impulse to construe “religion” and “politics” as two distinct, though intersecting, cultural territories.
In much of Islam, politics and religion are inseparable, and the wish of many worldwide Muslims to see sharia law imposed not just on their own community, but on everyone, shows Volf’s ignorance.  And, of course, many Protestants in the U.S. want a theocracy. Is Volf ignorant of that, too?
Volf never gets to Fundamental Value Number Four, and although I may have missed it, I think it’s a mistake. And perhaps his conclusion contains a mistake as well:

For the sake of the identity and reputation of the religions themselves and for the sake of justice and peace in the world, religions need permanent reformation.

At the heart of reformation must lie the conviction that, as the Apostle Peter put it in the first public sermon he preached, that “we must obey God rather than any human authority” (Acts 5:29), asserting that “religion” and “state” are two distinct cultural systems. Such reformation of religions will not stop the blood and tears from flowing, but religions will no longer be implicated in the carnage.

I think he screwed up here, for Peter’s statement is the precise basis for religious malfeasance. I suspect a typo or poor editing. But at any rate, to expect Muslims who favor sharia law to accept a distinction between the political and the religous is to expect a miracle.

In the end, I think that Volf’s love of liberal Christianity has blinded him to what many religions really preach, and what many of the faithful really believe. He appears to think that, if properly interpreted, all religions are as tolerant and benign as his own. But that’s the rub, for “properly interpreted” is tautological, which to Volf seems to mean “religions that see the world the way mine does.” The fact is that religions don’t and can’t, for the conflicting moral codes of religion cannot be harmonized, based as they are on incompatible beliefs about gods and what they want.

Volf’s essay is, I suspect, based largely on fear: a fear that many religions—particularly the one whose adherents struck in Paris—aren’t really as benign as his own, and will continue to inspire murder, suffering, and oppression. Perhaps he also fears the increasing level of nonbelief in his own land. To quell these fears, Volf spends an entire article telling us that “true” religion doesn’t do these things. But of course it does, and Volf’s apologetics, which call for even more religion after a religiously-inspired mass murder, are ironic, lame, and pathetic.

By all means let us have “true” religion: religion that is tolerant, not divisive, and having a genuinely universal and beneficent moral code. That “true religion”, by the way, is called “humanism”.

Feser to Krauss: Shut up because of the Uncaused Cause

October 4, 2015 • 10:45 am

I didn’t know anything about the Witherspoon institute, where Catholic religious philosopher Edward Feser has published a strident piece called “Scientists should tell Lawrence Krauss to shut up already“, but it appears to be a right-wing think tank. According to Wikipedia:

The Witherspoon Institute opposes abortion and same-sex marriage and deals with embryonic stem cell research, constitutional law, and globalization. In 2003, it organized a conference on religion in modern societies. In 2006,Republican Senator Sam Brownback cited a Witherspoon document called Marriage and the Public Good: Ten Principles in a debate over a constitutional amendment against same-sex marriage. It held a conference about pornography named The Social Costs of Pornography at Princeton University in December 2008.

Be that as it may, reader Candide called my attention to Feser’s piece, a critique of Krauss’s recent piece in The New Yorker, “All scientists should be militant atheists” (my take on it here). Feser argues that Krauss doesn’t given any reason for scientists to be atheists, but in fact he does, in the final paragraph of Krauss’s piece:

We owe it to ourselves and to our children not to give a free pass to governments—totalitarian, theocratic, or democratic—that endorse, encourage, enforce, or otherwise legitimize the suppression of open questioning in order to protect ideas that are considered “sacred.” Five hundred years of science have liberated humanity from the shackles of enforced ignorance. We should celebrate this openly and enthusiastically, regardless of whom it may offend.

That seems to me pretty clear: in science no values are sacred, and it’s abandoning the notion that any ideas are beyond question—the habit of doubt that is endemic and essential in science—that militates against religious authoritarianism, endemic to most faiths. Feser also argues, contra both Krauss and me, that the empirical propositions of religion, as opposed to its moral dicta, are not questions of science:

Krauss might reply that, unlike checkers, dentistry, or engineering, science covers all of reality; thus, if God exists, evidence for his existence ought to show up in scientific inquiry.

There are two problems with such a suggestion. First, it begs the question. Second, it isn’t true.

But if in fact one construes science broadly, as a combination of reason, empirical study, and verification, yes, existence of God should show up in “scientific” inquiry.  Since it doesn’t, religionists use the word “reason” to encompass a brew of dogma, scripture, and personal revelation. But these of course lead different people to different conceptions of god. So all the “evidence” adduced by different faiths is simply a confusing muddle of different “conclusions.”

Feser instead proposes philosophy as a way to demonstrate God, starting with the ineluctable proposition that reality is real:

[The claim that we should have empirical evidence for God] begs the question because whether science is the only rational means of investigating reality is precisely what is at issue between New Atheists like Krauss and their critics. Traditional philosophical arguments for God’s existence begin with what any possible scientific theory must take for granted—such as the thesis that there is a natural world to be studied, and that there are laws governing that world that we might uncover via scientific investigation.

To Feser, the existence of the natural world is itself evidence for God, for he keeps insisting that that world had to have a beginning, and if that beginning was the Big Bang, or even if the Big Bang had a natural origin and there are universes that spawn other universes, well, those, too must have a causal chain that, in the end terminates in God.

As far as “laws governing the world,” well, that’s a result of science, not an assumption. It’s entirely possible that some physical laws might not be constant (for example, the speed of light in a vacuum might vary throughout the universe), and if we found that out, well, that would become part of science too. Indeed, the speed of light is not a constant in other media like water or glass, so the “law” isn’t universal. Other physical laws, such as those governing molecular interactions, must exist lest we not be around to observe them. In Faith versus Fact I note that the human body depends on physical and chemical regularities to function. So yes, we’ve found regularities, but that is inevitable given that that finding itself depends on regularities in the brain: a sort of Anthropic Principle of our Body.

Imputing such regularities to a divine being, much less Feser’s Catholic and beneficent God, is no explanation at all. It’s merely saying, “We will call God the reason for the constancy of nature.” Where from these regularities can one derive a Beneficent Person without Substance—one who not only loves us all, but demands worship under threat of immolation, and opposes abortion as well?

And so Feser proves the existence of God from his usual claim: the Uncaused Cause:

The arguments claim that, whatever the specific empirical details turn out to be, the facts that there is a world at all and that there are any laws governing it cannot be made sense of unless there is an uncaused cause sustaining that world in being, a cause that exists of absolute necessity rather than merely contingently (as the world itself and the laws that govern it are merely contingent).

. . . Similarly, what science uncovers are, in effect, the “rules” that govern the “game” that is the natural world. Its domain of study is what is internal to the natural order of things. It presupposes that there is such an order, just as the rules of checkers presuppose that there are such things as checkers boards and game pieces. For that very reason, though, science has nothing to say about why there is any natural order or laws in the first place, any more than the rules of checkers tell you why there are any checkers boards or checkers rules in the first place.

Thus, science cannot answer the question why there is any world at all, or any laws at all. To answer those questions, or even to understand them properly, you must take an intellectual vantage point from outside the world and its laws, and thus outside of science. You need to look to philosophical argument, which goes deeper than anything mere physics can uncover.

For a response to the “Uncaused Cause” argument, and the outmoded notion of Aristotelian causality in modern physics, I refer you to the writings of Sean Carroll (for example here and here, especially the section called “accounting for the world”), and Carroll’s debate with Feser William Lane Craig here.

No, science cannot yet answer the question why there is any world at all, or why the laws are as they are (though the latter question might someday find an answer), but neither can religion. As Caroll notes, the answer to these questions may ultimately be this:

“. .. . the ultimate answer to “We need to understand why the universe exists/continues to exist/exhibits regularities/came to be” is essentially ‘No we don’t.’

. . . Granted, it is always nice to be able to provide reasons why something is the case.  Most scientists, however, suspect that the search for ultimate explanations eventually terminates in some final theory of the world, along with the phrase “and that’s just how it is.”  It is certainly conceivable that the ultimate explanation is to be found in God; but a compelling argument to that effect would consist of a demonstration that God provides a better explanation (for whatever reason) than a purely materialist picture, not an a priori insistence that a purely materialist picture is unsatisfying.”

Indeed, theists like Feser face their own Ultimate Questions: Why is there a God rather than no God? How did God come into being, and what was He doing before he created Something out of Nothing? To answer those, some people might point to scripture or revelation, but that’s unsatisfying, for different scriptures and different revelations say different things. In the end, Feser must resort to the same answer physicists give. When told by rationalists that we need to understand where God Himself came from, Feser would have to respond, “No we don’t. He was just There.” What I don’t understand is how God can just be there, but the universe and its antecedents, or the laws of physics, cannot just be there.

Nor do I understand how an empirical proposition–the idea that there’s a supernatural being who affects the universe–can be demonstrated by philosophy alone, without any appeal to empiricism.

ISIS is really, truly Islamic

February 17, 2015 • 11:30 am

I keep touting Lawrence Wright’s Pulitzer-Prize-winning book The Looming Tower: Al Qaeda and the Road to 9/11 as a corrective for those who claim that Al-Qaeda is motivated not by religion, but by secular issues like poverty, colonialism, and the like.  Wright’s book shows clearly that the roots of Al-Qaeda, the Muslim Brotherhood, and other Islamic groups that practice terrorism were, in the main, motivated by Islam, its dictate to wage jihad, and its hatred of the West, whose values stood in distinction to those of Islam.

Despite, that, though, Muslim apologists like Karen Armstrong and Reza Aslan continue to insist not only are Islamic terrorist groups “not truly Islamic,” but that the message of the Qur’an is one of peace and love. That, of course, is bunk. And now that ISIS has arisen after Wright’s book, the same apologetics are being applied to it as were applied to Al-Qaeda.

The necessary corrective has just been published in The Atlantic by Graeme Wood, in a piece called “What ISIS really wants“. Wood is an editor at the magazine as well as a lecturer in political science at Yale. He lived in the Middle East for four years beginning in 2002, so he certainly has the street cred to write about ISIS. His piece is long—21 pages as I printed it out—but it’s well worth reading, especially because ISIS threatens to kindle a huge war in the Middle East.

Many readers sent me the link to the piece (thanks, all!), probably because its main message is one I make a lot: ISIS has deep roots in Islam and, in fact, is simply carrying out the medieval Muslim plan to establish a worldwide caliphate. Wood clearly describes ISIS’s bizarre theology involving the capture of Istanbul by the Caliphate, the death of nearly all its members, and then their final rescue by the Muslim prophet Jesus (yes, the Jesus) who comes back to Earth during the Apocalypse.

Wood’s article involved a lot of travel, interviewing, and scholarly work, and you really should read it (the download is free). I’ll give just a few quotes (indented) and then my own take on the piece.

The reality is that the Islamic State is Islamic. Very Islamic. Yes, it has attracted psychopaths and adventure seekers, drawn largely from the disaffected populations of the Middle East and Europe. But the religion preached by its most ardent followers derives from coherent and even learned interpretations of Islam.”
. . . Virtually every major decision and law promulgated by the Islamic State adheres to what it calls, in its press and pronouncements, and on its billboards, license plates, stationery, and coins, “the Prophetic methodology,” which means following the prophecy and example of Muhammad, in punctilious detail. Muslims can reject the Islamic State; nearly all do. But pretending that it isn’t actually a religious, millenarian group, with theology that must be understood to be combatted, has already led the United States to underestimate it and back foolish schemes to counter it. We’ll need to get acquainted with the Islamic State’s intellectual genealogy if we are to react in a way that will not strengthen it, but instead help it self-immolate in its own excessive zeal.
. . . According to Haykel, the ranks of the Islamic State are deeply infused with religious vigor. Koranic quotations are ubiquitous. “Even the foot soldiers spout this stuff constantly,” Haykel said. “They mug for their cameras and repeat their basic doctrines in formulaic fashion, and they do it all the time.” He regards the claim that the Islamic State has distorted the texts of Islam as preposterous, sustainable only through willful ignorance. “People want to absolve Islam,” he said. “It’s this ‘Islam is a religion of peace’ mantra. As if there is such a thing as ‘Islam’! It’s what Muslims do, and how they interpret their texts.” Those texts are shared by all Sunni Muslims, not just the Islamic State. “And these guys have just as much legitimacy as anyone else.”
There is much more, but I needn’t duplicate what’s online. But why is it important to recognize that ISIS, like Al-Qaeda, is a religiously motivated group? This is where a generally superb article loses a bit of its patina. Wood argues that we can fight the organization more effectively since its religious background gives us insight into its plans:
The ideological purity of the Islamic State has one compensating virtue: it allows us to predict some of the group’s actions. Osama bin Laden was seldom predictable. He ended his first television interview cryptically. CNN’s Peter Arnett asked him, “What are your future plans?” Bin Laden replied, “You’ll see them and hear about them in the media, God willing.” By contrast, the Islamic State boasts openly about its plans—not all of them, but enough so that by listening carefully, we can deduce how it intends to govern and expand.
And indeed, one of Wood’s claims is that ISIS must continually expand and gain land, for that is what the Caliphate is supposed to do. If we can prevent that, he says, ISIS will die a slow death. This is in contrast to Al-Qaeda, which can be viable as an organization without a territory, for it can simply go underground and emerge at appropriate times to wreak havoc.
But in the end, says Wood, an invasion and direct confrontation is unlikely to work, and so he basically recommends what we’re already doing:
Given everything we know about the Islamic State, continuing to slowly bleed it, through air strikes and proxy warfare, appears the best of bad military options. Neither the Kurds nor the Shia will ever subdue and control the whole Sunni heartland of Syria and Iraq—they are hated there, and have no appetite for such an adventure anyway. But they can keep the Islamic State from fulfilling its duty to expand. And with every month that it fails to expand, it resembles less the conquering state of the Prophet Muhammad than yet another Middle Eastern government failing to bring prosperity to its people.
. . . Properly contained, the Islamic State is likely to be its own undoing. No country is its ally, and its ideology ensures that this will remain the case. The land it controls, while expansive, is mostly uninhabited and poor. As it stagnates or slowly shrinks, its claim that it is the engine of God’s will and the agent of apocalypse will weaken, and fewer believers will arrive. And as more reports of misery within it leak out, radical Islamist movements elsewhere will be discredited: No one has tried harder to implement strict Sharia by violence. This is what it looks like.

So in the end, knowing ISIS’s background and ideology doesn’t seem that helpful.

But Wood also has another point. Every time the President or someone else claims that ISIS isn’t really a brand of Islam, it turns those who are susceptible to jihad even more militant, for they see that the U.S. “lies about religion to serve its purposes.”  Well, I don’t find that argument terribly convincing, but maybe it does have some force.

My own objection to characterizing ISIS as “not Muslim” is on grounds of truth: such statements are disingenuous and simply serve to perpetuate all religion, with the harms attendant on it, for I see even the moderate forms of faith as usually harmful. (Yes, Reza Aslan, I’m an anti-theist.)  I think it’s marginally useful to know that ISIS is a religiously motivated group, for it’s best to know your enemy as fully as possible, but Wood hasn’t made the case that such knowledge will be crucial in defeating the group.

_________
For another take on the religious nature of the war, see Roger Cohen’s column in today’s New York Times, “Islam and the West at war.” One excerpt:

I hear the words of Chokri Belaid, the brave Tunisian lawyer, shortly before he was gunned down by Islamist fanatics on Feb. 6, 2013: “We can disagree in our diversity but within a civilian, peaceful and democratic framework. Disagree in our diversity, yes!”

To speak of a nonspecific “dark ideology,” to dismiss the reality of conflict between the West and Islam, is also to undermine the anti-Islamist struggle of brave Muslims like Belaid — and these Muslims are the only people, ultimately, who can defeat the black-flagged jihadi death merchants.

The Economist also publishes a map of the Middle East that omits Israel

January 12, 2015 • 11:11 am

Only nine days ago I wrote about how the publisher HarperCollins issued an atlas of the Middle East that included a map that didn’t show Israel. Just to refresh your memory, here was that map:

harpers-map

 HarperCollins’s explanation?

Collins Bartholomew, a subsidiary of HarperCollins that specializes in maps, told the Tablet that it would have been “unacceptable” to include Israel in atlases intended for the Middle East. They had deleted Israel to satisfy “local preferences.”

After a public outcry, HarperCollins took the book off sale and pulped the copies. But the damage had been done, and the publisher’s name sullied. Even critics of Israel, it seems, couldn’t countenance seeing a country simply effaced from existence.

Well, it’s happened again, and with a new map. According to CiF Watch, the British publication The Economist, a respected magazine, has published a story on the Middle East called “Soaring Ambition” (you can see the original here), that shows the map below:

Screen Shot 2015-01-12 at 6.12.46 AM

This is not the same map as the HarperCollins one, so it’s wasn’t simply copied from their atlas.  Why did they leave out Israel? I hate to think it’s because they’re catering to the feelings of the “locals” (that was HarperCollins’s explanation).

I left a comment (see below), and if you want you can do so, too: registration is free, so just go here and comment, which will automatically take you to an easy registration site.

Here’s what I said and a reply:

Screen Shot 2015-01-12 at 11.05.07 AM

h/t: Malgorzata